Is that this the worst second for the labor motion in latest reminiscence, or the perfect? That query animated a conversion I lately had with Mary Kay Henry, who simply stepped down because the president of the 2-million-member Service Workers Worldwide Union, having been an organizer for 43 years and led the SEIU for 14.
Constructive sentiment towards unions has surged over the previous decade. Curiosity in becoming a member of a union has surged. Petitions to type a union have surged. And a lot of high-profile organizing drives have succeeded: amongst Uber and Lyft drivers, Amazon warehouse staff, Starbucks baristas, and Volkswagen manufacturing staff, within the staunchly anti-union South, no much less. For its half, the SEIU has organized 1000’s of hospital staff, house well being aides, and child-care staff in recent times.
And but, simply 11 p.c of American staff have been represented by a union as of 2023—a quantity that has been falling. Lower than 7 p.c of private-sector staff have union illustration, down from 17 p.c in 1983. Throughout Henry’s time main the SEIU, membership was flat at roughly 2 million. Unions are financed by their members, and are at their most influential when negotiating on behalf of these members. Is it potential to have a stronger American labor motion with out having a much bigger one?
Henry thinks it’s, and her innovation was to increase the SEIU’s affect with out increasing its ranks. A longtime strike chief, she took over because the president of the SEIU in 2010, a bleak 12 months for organized labor and American staff basically. The Nice Recession had ravaged the labor market. The union-approval charge had plunged to an all-time low of 48 p.c. Republican politicians had capitalized on the pattern to increase and strengthen right-to-work guidelines that prevented unions from amassing dues from nonmembers, sapping their capacity to arrange.
In 2012, an SEIU native helped arrange a strike amongst staff of fast-food eating places in New York Metropolis: Dozens of cashiers, janitors, and cooks for Burger King, KFC, McDonald’s, Taco Bell, and Wendy’s picketed as a substitute of working their shifts, asking for $15 an hour and a union. Quickly, 1000’s of staff throughout the nation have been picketing and strolling off the job. The SEIU was instrumental in what turned often known as the Battle for $15 and a Union, offering organizing capability, media relations, and thousands and thousands of {dollars} in help.
The marketing campaign appeared like an extended shot. The federal minimal wage was simply $7.25 on the time. Then-President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats have been pushing for $9 an hour. Henry recalled Tom Harkin, then a Democratic senator representing Iowa, who had proposed $10.10 an hour, asking her, “What are you doing? That is ridiculous.”
Furthermore, the SEIU was spending cash supporting the protests of staff who weren’t paying SEIU dues and had little prospect of changing into SEIU members. “There have been questions inside our management about whether or not we should always proceed to again it,” Henry informed me, noting that the majority members of management thought the reply was no. “I simply had an intuition, primarily based on listening to the employees themselves, that we would have liked to proceed, as a result of we needed to discover a technique to disrupt the decades-long assault on the labor motion that was unfolding.”
The “tide shifted,” Henry informed me, when the Battle for $15 started galvanizing staff exterior the fast-food business. Staff at airports, faculties and universities, and hospitals determined to push for union illustration. It actually shifted when the Battle for $15 began notching tangible coverage victories. SeaTac, Washington, voted to bump its minimal wage to $15 an hour in late 2013, adopted by Seattle, dozens of cities and counties, a number of states, and a lot of main employers. The Obama administration set a $10.10 an hour wage flooring for federal contractors early in 2014. The Nationwide Employment Regulation Challenge estimates that the Battle for $15 helped generate $150 billion in wage will increase for 26 million staff. “It turned a motion far larger than our establishment,” Henry informed me.
“Mary Kay Henry helped revitalize the labor motion,” Obama informed me in an e mail. “She matched a fierce intelligence and dedication to social justice with deep empathy and a pointy humorousness, and America is stronger at the moment because of her efforts. I couldn’t have requested for a greater, extra inventive companion.”
The Battle for $15 was not the one means the SEIU supported staff exterior its ranks. In 2017, an SEIU native in Seattle—together with the nonprofits Casa Latina, Working Washington, and the Nationwide Home Staff Alliance—started pushing for the town to strengthen protections for nannies, housekeepers, and well being aides. Town did so by passing a home staff’ invoice of rights and organising a requirements board, composed of labor advocates, employers, and staff. Home staff began to get a say in minimal wages, time beyond regulation guidelines, and insurance coverage insurance policies. And so they obtained assistance from SEIU, though they don’t have the appropriate to unionize in the US.
Sectoral bargaining—during which unions negotiate with many employers and even a complete business at a time, as is widespread in Europe—can be barred in the US. However requirements boards just like the one in Seattle, additionally known as staff’ boards or business councils, are authorized. And extra have cropped up: for farm laborers in New York, home staff in Philadelphia, nursing-home staff in Michigan, agricultural staff in Colorado, home-care staff in Nevada, area staff in Detroit, and fast-food staff in California.
The SEIU is concerned with many, permitting the union to “collectivize energy” throughout unions and signify staff exterior its ranks, Henry defined. For a union chief, she added, it’s “type of scary.” Unions would possibly find yourself accepting concessions collectively that they by no means would have agreed to individually. They could should reorganize internally. They could have to determine how and what to barter with coverage makers, not simply employers. However additionally it is thrilling, she argued, as a result of the organizations are able to aiding lots of of 1000’s extra staff than they’d usually be capable of. (The California fast-food council alone is writing guidelines for greater than 550,000 staff, solely a tiny sliver of whom are union members.)
She hopes that pattern continues past her tenure. “How can we transfer from an incremental-growth technique to the type of industrial-growth technique that the CIO had within the Thirties?” she requested me, referring to the Congress of Industrial Organizations, a New Deal–period union federation. “We have to think about staff that aren’t at present lined by labor regulation—home-care staff, child-care staff, farmworkers, all people that was written out, and all these new jobs which have been created that no one even imagined present.” She added: “One in every of my goals has been to have 4 or 5 unions pool sources and take into consideration the 5 million staff within the gig sector. As a substitute of making an attempt to carve them up, how can we again all of them in making calls for of Uber, Lyft, and Doordash?”
After all, that type of inventive bargaining is critical solely as a result of conventional organizing stays so troublesome in the US. The nation’s geography poses a problem, since many staff are “dispersed” and there should not “pure congregation factors,” Suresh Naidu of Columbia College informed me. Extra importantly, greater than two dozen states have right-to-work legal guidelines. Firms generally interact in unlawful anti-union ways with impunity: closing shops during which staff are organizing, firing organizers, interfering with staff who’re organizing off-hours, and delaying negotiations with pro-union staff. “Labor regulation within the U.S. is damaged,” Henry informed me. “That’s why we’ve been so devoted to looking for options the place staff can arrange throughout sectors and geographies.”
But doing that type of work is perhaps troublesome if unions can not increase their conventional ranks. Unions acquire dues to pay for organizing: A union that’s not rising, or during which extra members are opting out of paying dues, is a union shedding its conventional type of firepower. (Federal reporting types present that the SEIU headquarters’ price range swelled after which declined throughout Henry’s tenure, with the Washington workplace amassing about $250 million a 12 months from native unions, down from $270 million when she began.) With funds tight, members would possibly need their union to deal with organizing and bargaining and cease advocating on behalf of unrepresented staff or spending thousands and thousands on elections, because the SEIU now does. (When unions are required by regulation to ask members if they need their dues spent on campaigns, their political spending drops.)
Plus, when staff see wages rising all over the place, they could not really feel compelled to surrender a part of their paycheck to a labor group. Michael Pressure, the director of economic-policy research on the American Enterprise Institute, a right-of-center suppose tank, carried out analysis displaying that minimum-wage will increase result in diminished union membership. Unions, he informed me, are in a “precarious” place if “public coverage is substituting for what a union can ship.” That mentioned, he added, “there’s an actual profit to unions in participating in these kinds of campaigns, as a result of they’re—I might say accurately—being perceived by a broader swath of the workforce as combating for them.”
Different international locations have proven that small unions can nonetheless have a huge impact. In France, a slim share of private-sector staff are union members, however almost all staff are lined by a collective-bargaining settlement, Naidu famous. “It means one thing totally different to be a union member in France,” he informed me. “You’re more likely to be a union activist or nearer to a steward,” advocating for a broad personnel.
Henry informed me she believed that union density would possibly start to tick up in the US. She pointed to the Volkswagen staff in Tennessee, who voted to type a union on their third strive. She pointed to the Nationwide Labor Relations Board, whose normal counsel is “for the primary time in my 40 years really making an attempt to implement the Nationwide Labor Relations Act on behalf of staff.” She pointed to the extraordinary enthusiasm younger individuals have for organized labor.
But when the scenario doesn’t change, the unions should.
